Americans are often told that the disappearance of Christianity from public life was the natural result of cultural change, that the people evolved, beliefs softened, and the nation simply “moved on.”
That story isn’t true.
Christ was not voted out of the public square.
He was not removed by constitutional amendment.
And He was not rejected by popular demand.
Instead, Christianity was methodically pushed out by the Supreme Court, largely through a series of mid-20th-century rulings that redefined the First Amendment in ways the Founders never recognized.
At the center of that transformation stands one man: Hugo Black.
Hugo Black served on the U.S. Supreme Court from 1937 to 1971, one of the longest tenures in American history. Appointed by Franklin D. Roosevelt, Black became a leading figure of the Warren Court and the primary architect of modern church-state separation doctrine.
What is often omitted from polite summaries is this:
As a young Alabama politician in the 1920s, Hugo Black joined the Ku Klux Klan. His membership was not incidental; it helped him win a U.S. Senate seat in a state where the Klan wielded significant political power.
Black later repudiated the Klan, and there is no evidence he carried racial animus onto the Supreme Court. But the episode matters, not as a smear, but as context. The Klan was a coercive moral authority, one that weaponized Protestant language to enforce social conformity. Black emerged from that world deeply suspicious of institutional moral power, especially when tied to religion.
Ironically, that suspicion would later be turned against Christianity itself.
The First Amendment originally restricted Congress, not states, and it was designed to prevent the creation of a national church, not to expel religion from public life. For over a century, states openly supported Christianity through prayers, Bible readings, religious oaths, and moral instruction, all without constitutional controversy.
That changed after World War II.
Through a series of Supreme Court decisions, many authored by or joined by Hugo Black, the Establishment Clause was transformed from a shield protecting religious liberty into a sword excluding religion from public institutions.
What followed was not one ruling, but a timeline.
In Everson, Hugo Black wrote the majority opinion applying the Establishment Clause to the states and popularizing the now-famous phrase “a wall of separation between church and state.”
This metaphor, borrowed from a private letter by Thomas Jefferson, was elevated into constitutional doctrine. For the first time, the Court framed government interaction with religion not as a historical norm, but as a constitutional danger.
The Founders, however, spoke very differently.
George Washington warned that “religion and morality are indispensable supports” of political prosperity. Everson reinterpreted that support as a liability.
Illinois ex rel. McCollum v. Board of Education
One year later, Black authored McCollum, which banned voluntary religious instruction inside public school buildings.
This ruling went far beyond preventing an establishment of religion. It treated physical proximity between church activity and public property as unconstitutional, something entirely foreign to early American practice.
John Adams famously wrote that the Constitution was made “for a moral and religious people.” McCollum assumed the opposite: that moral and religious instruction must be quarantined from civic space.
In Torcaso, Black wrote a unanimous opinion striking down religious test oaths requiring belief in God for public office.
These oaths had existed since the Founding era and were written into numerous state constitutions. They were not sectarian; they were safeguards, affirmations that public officials recognized moral accountability higher than the state.
John Jay, the first Chief Justice, openly urged Americans to prefer Christian rulers. Torcaso severed public office from any theistic expectation, replacing moral trust with ideological neutrality.
In Engel, Black struck down state-written prayer in public schools, inaugurating the modern “no school prayer” regime.
Although not the author, Black joined and strongly supported Schempp, which banned Bible reading in public schools, even when non-denominational and opt-out.
If Engel killed prayer, Schempp killed Scripture.
Together, these cases completed the removal of Christian liturgy from public education, a reality Noah Webster would have found unrecognizable, given his insistence that Scripture formed the moral basis of American law.
Hugo Black did not ban Christianity outright. He did something more consequential: he reframed it as constitutionally suspect.
By redefining neutrality to mean exclusion, the Court created a public square stripped of moral consensus, a vacuum quickly filled by secular ideology, administrative power, and eventually, hostility toward Christian expression.
The result was not freedom from coercion, but freedom from restraint.
America did not drift away from its Christian foundation.
It was pushed, quietly, legally, and decisively.
One justice did not act alone, but Hugo Black was the keystone. His opinions built the framework others expanded, until Christianity was no longer assumed to be a public good, only a private preference.
Christ was not removed by vote.
He was removed by ruling.
And once law replaced culture, the people were never asked again.
References
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